Tag: History

Feb 07 2025

Book review: Roads in Roman Britain by Hugh Davies

My next review is of Roads in Roman Britain by Hugh Davies. Davies was a road engineer, and the study of Roman roads is a retirement project for him, which amused me since I am currently contemplating retirement. I don’t mean this pejoratively – I think in Roads he did a great job bringing together his expertise and the existing academic work in the area, as well as his own original research. He gained a PhD in 2001 from Reading University. In addition he has compiled a database of Roman road characteristics which is exactly my sort of thing.

The book starts with some basic definitions of what a road is and how it is structured. Davies focusses on the function of the road as a transport mechanism rather than as a boundary indicator, a navigation system or an expression of Roman power – uses I hadn’t really considered. As a structure a road has a route and a cross-section. I liked the quote from John London McAdam which basically said the function of the road cross-section was to stop the running surface becoming unusable as a result of water coming from above or below!

There is very limited primary documentary evidence for the Roman roads of Britain, there is the Antonine Iternary, tables of routes across the Roman empire which includes some routes in Britain and the Peutiger Tables, a sort of pseudo-map of roads across the Roman Empire of which Britain is only covered in a small fragment showing the far south east of the country.

This leaves us with archaeology, fortunately Roman roads in Britain have been excavated for many years. Less fortunately dating evidence is sparse in roads. Some roads identified as Roman may well date to medieval or even the 17th century when the turnpike roads were the first to match the quality of construction of Roman roads. It’s worth noting that none of the names used for Roman roads (Watling Street, Ermine Street, the Foss Way etc) are original – they are labels dating to the medieval period at earliest. It is not clear if Romans used any sort of naming for roads.

Archaeological practices have improved over the years, it is only really in the last quarter of the 20th century that it was appreciated that Roman roads are structures that were repaired and reconstructed over centuries.

I think the most interesting idea in this book Davis’s proposal for a reason for the straightness of Roman roads. He argues, unlike others, that the Roman’s must have made some sort of map before laying out roads and that the likelihood was that this was some large scale object possibly inscribed onto a floor. Under these circumstances straight road segments are the easiest to transmit to “the field”. It is easy to say “go to this point, build a straight road in this direction until you have gone this distance”, imagine trying to describe a more complex route accurately.

One of the recurring themes of the book is as to whether the Romans built roads to a strict pattern in terms of construction details and width. Justinian codified road classifications in the 6th century AD; an iter is pedestrian only, actus will allow a beast of burden, via will allow a cart however no numerical widths were defined. The Twelve Tables from fifth century BC says a straight section of road must be 8 pedes (Roman feet) wide on the straight an 16 on corners. However, on the ground road widths follow quite a broad distribution with a peak around 20 pedes (which is about six metres). This is wide enough for two-way cart traffic.

Based on the road surface (crushed stone/gravel) and the maximum gradients Davies suggests that Roman roads were designed for heavy carts moving at walking pace rather than fast passenger carriages. I was interested to learn the optimum gradients for carts are based on the rolling resistance of the surface balancing gravity (which becomes larger for steeper slopes). This is to avoid runaway carts since braking technology at the time was poor.

In the past historians have tended to the view that the Romans worked in a very regimented fashion. Davies comes down on the side of a more flexible approach determined by local factors. This is complicated in the archaeological record by repair and reconstruction activities, in some places there is evidence for 9 or 10 cycles of repair/reconstruction – sometimes this is as an addition on top of an older road but sometimes it is a widening of the route.

Davies observes that there is a difference in construction methods between the north and west of the country and the south and east with the north and west making greater use of stone. He attributes this to much more significant military use in the north and west, and better availability of suitable stone.

There is a chapter on Roman town plans which looked like it could be a whole separate book. Roman towns are typically built on a grid sometimes this grid is based around a Roman road alignment – suggesting road predates town and sometimes the road deviates to adapt to the town grid, suggesting town predates road.

Davies covers fairly briefly the development of the network over time, in terms of the military function of roads. The Royal Engineers estimated that the initial road from a Kent invasion landing point to London would have taken 1000 men about 15 weeks, a full version would take 3400 men about 3 years. The Roman road system was not fully developed until into the 2nd century AD – some 60 or so years after the invasion. London was not the transport centre of Britain at the beginning of the Roman occupation but became so over time.

This book is somewhat specialist, I enjoyed it because I’m interested in civil engineering and Roman history. It is short and readable, and I think provides a unique perspective.

Jan 24 2025

Book review: An African History of Africa by Zeinab Badawi

My next review is of An African History of Africa by Zeinab Badawi. On this topic I read Precolonial Black Africa by Cheikh Anta Diop a few years ago. Badawi’s book was a chance discovery at the library – published in 2024. I know Badawi as a newsreader in the UK, she was born in Khartoum in the Sudan but moved to Britain aged 2. She is one of the Africans of the title but more generally she interviewed many African scholars in writing this book.

An African History makes a tour of Africa in broadly chronological fashion, starting with the earliest humans but moving quickly to the area around the Nile in the time of the ancient Egyptians finishing with the liberation struggles of the second half of the 20th century. The 17 chapters are typically named for the areas they cover, some like “Slavery and Salvation” are thematic but typically tied to a region. There are too many chapters for me to comment on each one so I try to provide a thumbnail sketch of the whole here.

There are some recurring themes in the book, the first is reference to the UNESCO General History Africa project – a much longer version of this book in some senses.

In contrast to Britain it feels like groups of people in Africa were more mobile with groups moving around the continent and resettling, also land ownership seems not to have been a common practice.

Badawi writes a little about how the sources for African history are typically accounts written by outsiders such as Arabic scholars, or European traders/slavers. Many of these sources need to be read in light of justification for the actions of their authors either slavery or colonisation. That said the spread of Islam across West Africa and down the Eastern coast of Africa would mean that written language was available from a relatively early date. African sources are typically based on oral traditions which do not have high standing with Western historians. The First Astronomers by Duane Hamacher talked about the power of oral traditions in transmitting information over thousands of years.

South of the Sahara archaeology has been neglected, and in Zimbabwe (as Rhodesia) very actively supressed.

Once the preliminaries of the dawn of humanity are covered the action moves to ancient Egypt, the Kingdom of Kush, Aksum and Ethiopia – all in the North East of Africa covering the modern day states and Sudan. European historians have often written about Egypt as “not African”, as if somehow such an advanced civilisation could not possibly be African (specifically Black). Ancient Egypt persisted from around 3000BC until 330BC when it was invaded by Alexander the Great. The Kingdom of Kush in present day Sudan arose at approximately the same time, when the area was cooler and wetter, and did not fall until the 4th century AD.

Further west along the North African coast we find the Carthaginians fighting the Punic Wars against the Roman Empire a couple of hundred years BC. They were a much more sophisticated society at that time than the Britons that Rome would later invade. Africa gets its name from Ifrikiya, the Roman name for the region. In common with many places North African communities were not uniform in their opposition to Rome some sided with them against other local groups.

Arabs entered Egypt in 639AD, a year after the death of the Prophet Mohammad. They were “semi-welcomed” by the Egyptian populace, the Byzantine rulers had not been great and the native Coptic Church was dominated by the Orthodox Church. From there they spread across North Africa rapidly, crossing the Straits of Gibraltar to take Spain in 711AD.

Sub-Saharan West Africa gets a few outings, firstly with Mansa Musa, leader of the Mali Empire 1312 – c. 1337 and reputedly the richest man to every live, primarily derived from the gold mined in the region. The Mali Empire was followed by the Ghana empire – 600-1235AD and then by the Songhay Empire 1435-1592. Further East there was Benin. These empires do not follow the boundaries of the modern countries who take their names, those were the invention of 19th century colonialists. Also in this area were the Asante. These were large sophisticated societies with complex trading and impressive metalworking, not clusters of mud huts.

The traffic of Africans across the Atlantic in the “triangle trade” is well-known. Less well-known is the Indian Ocean slave trade which had been run by Arab traders from 7th to 19th century with approximately 14 million African slaves traded into Arabia. Interestingly an African view of the end of slavery was that it ultimately came about because the slaving nations started to see that African labour was more useful in Africa than across the Atlantic. This culminates in the “Scramble for Africa” in the late 19th century. Africans also viewed the transatlantic slavery (hard labour with a life expectancy of 7 or 8 years) as far worse than “local” slavery. The local impact of slavery was large, a significant fraction of the particularly young adult male population was trafficked and since slaves were often initially captured by neighbouring African groups levels of suspicion between communities rose – slavery casts a long shadow.

Southern Africa covering present day South Africa and Zimbabwe is covered last in the geographic tour. Originally a stopping point for the Dutch East India company ships heading out to the Far East, it was taken over by the British in 1806. It attracted many white settlers who took land for agriculture with wool a primary export in the first instance followed by diamonds in the late 19th century. Zimbabwe and South Africa were the last countries to gain independence – Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 was one of my earliest political memories.

The book ends with the “Scramble for Africa” where European states divided up the continent in the 1884 Berlin Conference, control of Africa “passed” from African to European hands almost entirely between 1870 and 1890. Conrad’s Heart of Darkness captures this period – he says it represents “the vilest scramble for loot that ever disfigured the history of human conscience and geographical exploration”.

At the time there was some armed resistance, generally overcome quite promptly by superior weaponry such as the Maxim gun. Independence happened after the Second World War, Badawi gives the impression that this process was generally peaceful – I’m not sure that is true. Large scale participation in the world wars by African soldiers drove a desire for independence, as it drove a desire for equality for Black British people at home. The US did not favour its European allies imperialist tendencies, and the colonies became too expensive to maintain after the destruction of the Second World War. The great powers were happy to interfere in the independence process though, the French destroyed much infrastructure as they left Guinea and the Americans with the Belgians backed a coup that deposed the independence leader Patrice Lumumba amongst many other examples.

Badawi ends with a positive note, talking about African as a continent whose population has an average age of 19, taking up new technologies rapidly. It is still blighted by poor government in places but things are improving.

I’m glad I picked this book up, I found it well-written and readable. It provides a great overview of African history with a different perspective to most of what I have read before.

Nov 17 2024

Book review: Roman Britain – A New History by Guy de la Bédoyère

Following on from my previous review of Echolands by Duncan MacKay on Boudica’s revolt against the Roman occupiers of Britain, this review is of Roman Britain: A New History by Guy de la Bédoyère. Roman Britain has a much wider scope than Echolands covering the whole period of Roman influence in Britain from Caesar’s abortive invasions in 55 and 54BC through to the period after the Roman’s left Britain in 410AD. This is a larger format book with illustrations and photographs on virtually every page.

The book starts with three chapters on the timeline of Roman Britain covering the pre-invasion period, the extended conquest and the later period. Eight chapters follow on different themes: governing Britain, military installations, towns in Roman Britain, industry, commerce and production, the countryside and villas, people and places of roman Britain, religion in Roman Britain and the aftermath.

Britain was know to the Greeks as far back as the 4th century BC, and there was trade in tin from Britain from that time. By the middle of the 2nd century BC ornate burials were being found in Britain containing imported goods, and coinage was starting to be found. Hengistbury Head, where my father lived in his retirement, was an important trade port in this period. This tells us that Britain was not unknown to the outside world when Caesar made his invasion attempts in 55BC and 54BC. These were unsuccessful in the immediate sense but over the intervening years to the invasion proper in 43AD there was a gradual Romanisation of the upper echelons of British society, and increased trade.

Both Caesar’s abortive invasion, and Claudius’s successful invasion in 43AD were driven by politics in Rome, military success were a credit to an Emperor. British politics may well have played a part: Cunobelinus, king of a large chunk of Britain, died in 43AD and the resulting uncertainty over succession was a good opportunity to invade. Claudius’s invasion succeeded because the Roman army were a very efficient, well-equipped military force and their opposition was divided with some on the British side likely supporting the Romans.

The Romans spread to a line linking Lincoln and Exeter by 47AD, and by the end of the 1st century they had reached the limits of Wales and the far North of Scotland. Over the next 50 years there was some consolidation but by 150AD the Roman’s had reached the geographic limit of their occupation of Britain. It seems that the South-East of Britain became fairly well Romanised with villas and towns in the Roman style. North and West of the 47AD frontier life seemed to continue more in the manner of the Iron Age but for the addition of Roman garrisons and forts with related trade and industries.

Most of what we know of Roman life in Britain is based on the inscriptions left by the military, on tombstones and dedications of building works. There are limited number of wooden writing tablets, discovered at Vindolanda by Hadrian’s Wall and in London, which provide a fascinating insight into daily life, trade and interpersonal relationships. The early period of the occupation is discussed in Tacitus’s writings, as well as some other fragments.

We get a very small sample of daily life from from archaeology, only about 0.01% of all deaths are represented in burials and, assuming villas had 40 occupants each, homes for only about 0.01% are known.

Much of the rest of our understanding seems to come from recognising that Britain was being run like any other Roman province and extrapolating across archaeological and historical writings from all over the empire. Roman’s had firm ideas about which people could hold which positions (qualified by property), and Roman towns had a specific set of amenities according to their official type. Britain was seen as a troublesome province and had quite senior governors who typically only had a short tenure – some went on to become Emperor.

The Roman’s seemed to have respected the British as traders, seeing them as taking on Roman ways in this regard. Agriculture was important, and there is a lot of evidence of lead production – unlike iron, lead tends to survive quite well. Coinage was only minted in Britain from the late third century – it would not be used so heavily until the 17th.

There is limited evidence for the health and ethnicity of the Roman Britons, they seem to have increased dental issues. There was certainly the idea of branded medications, particularly for eye conditions. It isn’t clear whether there was a patent system. It is certain that Roman soldiers came from around the Empire but identifying them is hard since typically they Romanised their names.

Most of the writing we find the Roman period relates to religion (shrines, tombstones, altars). For a large part of the Roman period people worshipped hybrid Gods – amalgams of Roman Gods with local pagan deities or even from elsewhere in the Roman empire. Later the Christian church became established – we have written evidence of a church hierarchy from 314AD.

From the beginning of the third century AD the Roman empire was beginning to split up. Rome finally withdrew support for the military occupation of Britain in 410AD. This had an immediate economic impact because there was no longer new coinage coming into the country, or military salaries to spend. Physically Roman buildings decayed over a period of 150 years or so with the now non-Roman occupants no longer having the will or skill to repair them. We can mark the complete end of practical Roman influence with the invasion of the Anglo-Saxons in 577AD although we see the marks of the Roman occupation even now in our landscape and language.

Roman Britain finishes with a chronology and a guide to visiting Roman sites in Britain, I feel in this section insufficient attention is paid to my home town of Chester!

This is a beautiful book, and rather readable.

Oct 05 2024

Book review: Echolands by Duncan MacKay

One book leads to another, after reading about prehistoric Britain I was interested in what came next – the Romans. Someone on social media suggested Echolands by Duncan MacKay subtitled A Journey in Search of Boudica. This is an apt description, the book is part travelogue, part history book. MacKay describes his journey following the path of Boudica to Colchester, London, Verulamium and to a final Great Battle with Paulinus, the Roman governor of Britain at the time. He travels variously by car, foot and bicycle. Initially I was sceptical of this style but it is rather compelling – the journey acts as a kind of mnemonic map for the historical facts conveyed.

Britain’s written history starts with Caesar’s expeditions in 54BC and 55BC. It was written not by the British but the Romans. Caesar did not conqueror any territory in Britain but extracted tribute from one king, and set up another as a client. This seems to have started a slow Romanisation of Britain with the local elites seeing the luxuries available in the Empire, and their sons going to Rome for a civilised upbringing (it isn’t quite clear if this export was voluntary). Britain already made some use of coinage which I find intriguing in a supposedly pre-literate society. There is scant archaeology from this period but a number of hordes of valuable items have been recovered.

The action then moves onto the Roman invasion in 43AD, over a 40 year period something like 250,000 Britons would lose their lives to the Romans, and it is likely 250,000 more were taken into slavery – this is from a population of around 2 million. The initial invasion force was around 40,000. The conquest was a slow process with some outright military victories and alliances or arrangements with the existing kingdoms as well as a lengthy and brutal campaign in Wales. The subjugation of Wales was to take until 51AD, veterans of this campaign retired to Camulodunum (Colchester) where they formed a colony. Relevant from this period is King Prasutagus of the Iceni tribe, whose wife was Boudica.

On his death Prasutagus in 59AD attempted to make his wife, Boudica, heir to his kingdom alongside Rome. Rome did not take kindly to this, Boudica was whipped and her two daughters raped. Subsequent events are recorded by Tacitus in The Annals (English version here, original latin here). There are also some references in Cassius Dio’s Roman History (English version here). These are relatively brief accounts and much of the understanding of events turns on a couple of sentences. Apparently Romans referred to us as Britunculi – “little Britons”!

In 60AD Boudica and her allies attacked the Camulodunum colony, killing effectively all of its inhabitants and burning it to the ground. The destruction can be seen in the archaeological record, and in fact burning has preserved more of the wattle and daub and other wooden structures than would normally be found. The final redoubt of the Roman colonists was the extravagant Temple of Claudius which was besieged for two days according to Tacitus.

On hearing news of the massacre the 9th Legion from set out towards Camulodunum via Cambridge. MacKay thinks they started from Longthorpe (outside Peterborough) whilst others suggested they started from their main garrison in Lincoln. This is where MacKay first takes to the road in earnest, travelling along the A14 to Cambridge, at the time this was the Via Devana (The Chester Road). MacKay is keen on his caligae (Roman hobnailed sandals) with which he walks some of the route. We lived in Cambridge for nearly 10 years and I know the A14 well, now we live in Chester. So this leg of the journey strikes a cord. The 9th legion were massacred somewhere outside Camulodunum, MacKay suggests the Colne Valley as a likely location for the ambush. This seems to be largely on the basis of where he supposed they were coming from and the local geography. There is no archaeological evidence for the battle.

In the meantime the Roman governor of Britain at the time, Gaius Suetonius Paulinus, is invading Anglesey where the last Welsh resistance is holding out. Tacitus notes of the women in the opposing forces ranks:

In the style of Furies, in robes of deathly black and with dishevelled hair, they brandished their torches; while a circle of Druids, lifting their hands to heaven and showering imprecations, struck the troops with such an awe at the extraordinary spectacle that, as though their limbs were paralysed, they exposed their bodies to wounds without an attempt at movement. 

Despite this they are beaten easily by Paulinus’s legionnaires. MacKay travels to the vicinity of RAF Valley on Anglesey to start his retrace of Paulinus’s rapid trip south to face Boudica. We spent our summer holiday in Rhosneigr – a couple of miles away! The site is interesting because a number of artefacts were discovered in the lake there. One of them, a slave chain, was actually used by workers in the 1940s conducting a peat excavation operation and survived the experience remarkably well!

It is thought that Paulinus prepared his invasion boats (likely flat bottomed barges), in Chester and on his trip back to London – on news of Boudica’s rebellion – at least part of his force probably sailed back to Chester. Paulinus then takes his force south to London likely heading down towards Wroxeter (near Shrewsbury) along the now vanished start of the Watling Street Roman road before following it onwards to London along the still existing line of Watling Street. MacKay follows this route by car stopping on the outskirts of London to travel by rail and foot to the area of Monument, the centre of Roman London.

In 60AD London was a thriving trading centre but does not appear to have been an important town to the Romans from an administrative point of view, furthermore it did not have significant defences at the time so on his arrival Paulinus decided to abandon London to Boudica’s forces who were heading down from Colchester. He departed with those able and willing to follow, some may have taken refuge from Boudica on boats in the Thames. In any case London was comprehensively burnt by Boudica’s forces. Paulinus then headed up toward Veralumium (near modern day St Albans) which Boudica also destroyed.

That was the limit of Boudica’s rebellion, MacKay spends some time visiting potential locations for the final Great Battle of which Tacitus just says “…a position approached by a narrow defile and secured in the rear by a wood…“. This location has been the subject of much discussion with locations up into Warwickshire finding favour. MacKay appears to have decided on Windridge Farm close to Veralumium on the basis of the geography of the area, the proximity to a know location for Boudica and the discovery of clusters of Roman slingshot . Wherever it was Tacitus claims 80,000 of Boudica’s forces were killed in a single engagement, for comparison the first day of the Battle of the Somme saw 20,0000 British troops died. This ended Boudica’s rebellion and Tacitus says she died by her own hand afterwards.

The Roman’s lost a similar number of soldiers and civilians during the rebellion. What surprised me is despite these huge battles in the Colne Valley, on Anglesey and close to St Albans there is minimal archaeological evidence from these sites. Part of the problem is no doubt the uncertainty of their location, but also 80,000 dead on the ground surface would likely disappear over a period of a few years. Armour and weapons were valuable and would have been cleared from the battle field. MacKay references reports from other Roman battles, the Indian Rebellion and a battle between the British and Zulus, as to how such locations appeared after a few months or years.

The Romans were brutal occupiers, as evidenced by their own historians, and the carved columns they raised in honour of victorious generals. Boudica’s forces were brutal too. It would have taken the Romans a number of years to recover from the rebellion, furthermore the local population struggled through famine in the aftermath of the rebellion (Tacitus puts the blame for this squarely on the British).

I enjoyed this book, I thought the combination of travelogue and history worked really well and by chance I was familiar with a number of the locations MacKay visits.

Aug 01 2024

Book review: Britain BC by Francis Pryor

Prompted by reading various books on archaeology by Professor Alice Roberts I came to this book, Britain BC by Francis Pryor. This is a prehistory of Britain prior to the Roman invasion, at which point Britain starts to get a written history. The book covers the Mesolithic, Neolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages in 12 chapters spread across three parts, the parts covering the Pre-Neolithic, Neolithic and Bronze and Iron Ages. The Ages are divided into chapters by a mixture of more precise period and topic.

The very earliest human remains in Britain were found at Boxgrove and date back to 500,000 years ago, they are not much. There are scatterings of stone tools across southern Britain from this period. Still in the oldest division of the Stone Age, the Palaeolithic, there is the Red “lady” burial in South Wales dating from 34,000 or so years ago. This is the first prehistoric skeleton to be excavated by William Buckland in 1823 (it turns out the “lady” is a man!) . It is interesting because the body is buried with some ceremony and it is clearly a site which was returned to repeatedly.

There is then a break as an ice age intervenes before the action resumes around 12,600 years ago – at this point the diversity of stone tools becomes much greater – a hallmark of the Middle Stone Age (the Mesolithic). The ice age lowers the sea-level producing Doggerland – the area of land where the North Sea now sits – it is again flooded around 6,500BC, at which point Britain and Ireland broadly take on the outline they now have.

There are Mesolithic sites in Britain, such as Star Carr, Thatcham and Mount Sandel in Northern Ireland. These are fairly limited, generally the scant traces of temporary camps but they show some signs of structures and worked wood. Pryor notes that the shell middens found from this period (piles of discarded shells from edible molluscs) are too large to be simply practical – they perhaps mark territory.

The Neolithic is when farming starts. It is worth noting that timing and detail of the various prehistoric ages varies across Eurasian – Britain is late into the Neolithic, as a result of retreating ice. In Britain the Neolithic farming revolution likely starts with animal husbandry rather than crops – this is evidenced by the field boundaries/”crop marks” found from this period. In the past the introduction of farming to Britain was seen as an invasion of farmers from continental Europe, displacing the indigenous hunter-gatherers but the more modern view is that farming spread by diffusion and was not taken up wholesale, hunter-gatherers adopted what worked for them.

It’s in this period we start to see ritual behaviour, in particular the “sacrifice” of artefacts such as hand axes. A common find across Britain are hand axes made from greenstone originating in Great Langdale. The location where these are made is spectacular but not necessarily the most efficient and they are often found pristine. Sacrificial items are not at end of life but apparently always intended for the purpose. Pryor suggests that the manufacture of such items is also at least partly ritual, he sees forest clearance also having ritual elements and metal mining/smelting too.

It is in the Neolithic that great monumental landscapes like that at Stonehenge are built. It seems the British had a unique passion for henges, cursuses (linear, race-track shaped features) and also roundhouses – they are typically not found in continental Europe. Pryor presents some interesting ideas about the layout of landscapes and how they might have been structured following the work of Pearson and Ramilisonia, the latter is from Madagascar which is relevant because these ideas are based on some rituals from their home country. The core idea is that certain materials represent the living (wood, for example) and others the dead (stone, for example). This is also reflected in styles of pottery, some represent the living and some the dead. The ritual landscape is laid out to allow celebrants to make a journey from the land of the living to that of the dead. It seems the various ritual landscapes around Britain broadly fit this model.

I found these ideas intriguing and frustrating at the same time. I guess fundamentally I’m a “history man” – I have faith in the written record and as a long time connoisseur of archaeology programmes I know that the remains from the Neolithic are often quite subtle. It’s clear that Stonehenge is not just a few stones in the middle of a field, it has a history of thousands of years and lives in a landscape of other human structures.

Early Bronze Age tools sometimes simply replicate Stone Age tools. Metal axes are greatly superior to their stone counter parts – they are first seen about 2000BC – stone axes are rapidly replaced with metal ones. Flint working continues until about 500BC but artefacts are cruder and typically for single, special purposes. The Great Orme, on the North Wales coast and only 50 miles from where I live in Chester is very important to Bronze Age Britain, producing a couple of hundred tonnes of copper over its life time in a mine which, unusually for the time, follows a pattern of vertical shafts and horizontal galleries.

Also in the Bronze Age Pryor introduces his own work at Flag Fen which was active in the middle Bronze Age (1800-700BC). The core feature he discusses here is the causeway, a lengthy wooden structure across marshy, flooded land. Such causeways are found around Britain and Ireland. At Flag Fen offerings (sacrificed objects) are found only on the land-ward side of the causeway so perhaps it was a symbolic structure to hold back the encroaching waters.

The final period before the arrival of the Roman’s is the Iron Age. By now Britain has an extensive field system, and plank built, seagoing boats. It is also in this time that we first start to see the emergence of chieftains – Pryor has been very reluctant to accept the existence of such “big men” in previous periods, arguing that previous societies have been fairly egalitarian. It is in the Iron Age we start seeing very rich individual graves – including chariot burials. The artifacts Iron Age Britain are producing are sophisticated; wheels are constructed with iron rims and spokes and different wood species according to their functions, metal woodworking tools look like their modern counterparts, and there are also elaborate decorative objects.

Archaeologists (actually Barry Cunliffe) have divided Britain into five areas with differing economic systems and settlement styles (hill forts, open settlements, homesteads with varying degrees of fortification). These actually seem relevant today – with a South Western Zone (Celtic Fringe), Central Southern Zone (Wessex), Eastern (East Anglia), North Eastern (Northern England) and North Western Zones (Scotland).

The final chapter covers the growing influence of the Romans, Julius Caesar “visited” Britain in 55BC and 54BC. He actually visited with in excess of 10,000 legionaries who did some fighting so arguably it was more an abortive invasion attempt. We start to see local coinage in circulation prior to the Roman invasion, and there is clearly a lot of trade with the Roman Empire, with raw materials and slaves going out and luxury goods coming in. The Romans were eventually to invade in 43AD, this seems to have been by semi-invitation in the sense that there were competing leaders in Iron Age Britain with Roman using their battles as a pretext to invade in support of their favoured ones. Pryor is clearly not a fan of the Romans, he draws parallels between the Roman Empire and the British Empire, but the tables are turned.

This is definitely an enjoyable read, I think because it brings the British landscape alive. It gives the lumps and bumps found in the British countryside, and more impressive remains, meaning. I grew up in Dorset, home to many of the late Neolithic monuments, I’m currently on holiday in Anglesey – also littered with monuments and where the Romans fought the druids in 59AD. Pryor struggles to identify what has been carried over to the present from our pre-Roman ancestors, coming up with “individual freedom” which seems a bit weak to me. To me it seems our regional divisions date back to this period, as do some counties and settlements. Pre-Roman Britain was clearly a sophisticated and complex society which only lacked writing, the Roman invasion provided that and a skin of “civilisation” to the British elite. Fundamentally, the population of Britain at the time of the invasion was something like 1 million people, and the garrison left by the Romans was only 15,000 or so troops so there must have been real limits on their influence in day to day life for most people.

Perhaps perversely I am now motivated to read more about the Roman invasion and occupation of Britain.